Clark’s
article operates under the premise that “children learn to coin agent and
instrument nouns only around age five to seven” (2). Children’s production of
words like “zibbing-man (11%) or zib-man (5%)” (2) – which Clark ascribes to
the principle of transparency – when
asked to create an agent out of the nonexistent word “zib” was very interesting
to me; this kind of response indicates that the younger children only view
humans as capable agents/instrument nouns, suggesting that other living things
– such as animals – do not, in their mind, qualify as something
that can produce and be defined by their actions. This contradicts a kind of
stereotype about children that I’ve somehow accumulated in my mind over the
last several years: the assumption that children always anthropomorphize
animals, viewing them – like their targeted picture books about "Mr. Jellyfish" do – as
human proxies with the same operating capabilities but cuter faces. Evidently,
there is some kind of distinction in the child’s psyche, even as young as
around five years old; if “children acquiring German,” however, “beg[i]n to
coin numerous agent and instrument nouns between age two and three” (2), we are
again examining a phenomenon subject to change between languages, rather than a
universal human truth.
Clark goes on to assert that “when [children] coin new
words, they do so by using permissible devices of the language, though not
necessarily the ones conventionally used by adults” (2). This most strongly
reminds me of my own childhood language exploration, but in the form of Barbara
Park’s Junie B. Jones books. Kindergartner
Junie B.’s vocabulary is littered with grammatical misinterpretations that
would otherwise follow the rules of English perfectly (if English weren’t such
as bogus language), such as “runned,” “thinked,” and “throwed” in place of their “proper” counterparts
(“ran,” “thought,” “threw”). Beyond solely the linguistic missteps of a
five-year-old, adult “speakers [still]… search their vocabulary for [an]
appropriate word. If they cannot find one, they may create a new word…
turn[ing] to their repertoire of word-formation devices” (3). I’ve observed
this in every discussion-based class in every step of my education, where
someone offering a thought isn’t sure what the noun form of some verb is and
thus adds “–tion” to the end; at this point, everyone ignores the faux-pas and
understands the speaker’s intention, and Clark would point to this as a prime
example of the principle of
conventionality. I’m glad this pattern as a name, really, since I’ve
noticed it so often, and knowing that it’s both as simple and complex as having
a mentally stored “word or device” that is “conventionally used to express the
requisite meaning and give it priority over other forms” (6) is a fascinating
facet of speech acquisition, one that we usually take for granted.
I found your comment on the nature of non-children to adopt suffixes such as "-tion" to the end of the "noun form of some verb" to be very insightful. In fact, as I was reading this article, I didn't think for a second to draw comparisons between the conventional missteps that the child was making and the ones that I, along with the rest of college students and adults, still make to this day. In fact, I think it's quite insightful to notice that most people just "ignore the faux-pas and understand the speaker's intention." In context of the purpose of communication, that's the most important part, right? To get our intentions across to someone else or a group of people? It's a bit beautiful to me that there are seemingly stock suffixes and prefixes that can be applied at a moment's notice to get a point across that allow you not overthink your speech and continue the flow of your talk. For me, the first one these stock suffixes I can think of is the usage of "-esque" whenever I am trying to relate the nature of something but cannot think of the proper term for it. In reflection, I guess someone would understand what "liquid-esque" meant even though it sounds a bit weirder than "liquidity" .
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