The Trends in Cognitive Science
paper served as a good introduction for the concept that the brain doesn’t work
to separate words that are spoken from the variations in how they are
said. Instead, variations in speech and
speaker are intrinsically linked to a listener’s perception of what is
said. The article states that the
variations aren’t even simply accounted for after the utterance is completed.
Instead, perceptions of variations are triggered early during the speech event,
which means that listeners can modulate how much attention they even pay
towards what is being said at all. In
the real world, that means a person’s negative predisposition or judgment of
part of a speaker’s identity can devalue what they are saying as they are
saying it.
Podesva’s paper elaborates on the
concept that a speaker’s identity is linked to their voice. A speech and Q&A session of Condoleezza
Rice’s was transcribed, and a set of features of her speech were assigned to a
group (Southerner, Westerner, African-American, Conservative, and
interestingly, Careful) and analyzed in depth.
For example, the presence of the release of word-final voiceless stops
(p, t, and k) were interpreted as indicative of a careful speech pattern and
were also mentioned later in the paper as indicative of a high-level of
education. I was also excited to see that Praat, a software we used in class,
was utilized in the process of this research!
From Condoleezza
Rice’s speech patterns, the researchers could conclude here speech was “that of
a person who overcame social adversity by means of educational attainment, a
person who places intellectual and academic achievement in the highest regard”
and her “sociophonetic style” was “a conservative, professional African
American.”
In the
paper entitled “Voice-specific effects in semantic association”, a concept was
explored that I hadn’t considered before but found made sense. The paper
presented the problem as how hearing the word “princess” spoken by an “adult
with a British accent” would likely lead a listener to imagine a member of the
royal family, whereas hearing the word princess spoken by an “American child” would
conjure the image of a “Disney character.” I could see myself doing this.
In the
first experiment performed as part of the research, participants were asked to
give the first word they thought of when they heard J, an older African
American man, or M, a younger adult white woman, speak a prompt word. It was found that there was more difference
in the responses given across speakers than within speakers, suggesting that respondents
did think of different things depending on who the word was said by. In the second experiment, researchers tested
to see how participants responded to top associate responses from the first experiment
after hearing J or M speak a primer. It
was found that the only improvement in reaction times within speaker was for
speaker M, and the researchers suggested that this was because respondents
might have more experience with young white women than older African-American
men.
This week’s
readings proved that what is being said is intrinsically linked to who is
saying it. The Podesva reading proved
that multiple components of a speaker’s identity are present in their speech
patterns, and the King and Sumner 2015 reading proved that different speakers
can make listeners think of what is being said differently. These facts have an innumerable amount of
real-world consequences. If a listener
doesn’t identify with or look favorably upon a speaker’s identity, they will
likely pay less attention to what is being said as it is being said, or view
what is being said more negatively. This
can enforce discrimination in housing, job interviews, and professional
presentations. I wonder if applications for housing, jobs, and even colleges
would be more fair if they were entirely written and the “speaker” was
sight-unseen and unheard.
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