In these two pieces, Gussenhoven and Kenstowicz
discuss many of the important base topics of phonology. Gussenhoven focuses
mainly on the physical anatomy of the vocal tract and how different body parts
such as the larynx, glottis, and vocal cords can alter and contribute to
speech. He identifies a multitude of different phonetic terms, such as voiceless, devoicing, and aspiration, using examples from a variety of
languages to corroborate his points. Kenstowicz builds upon the information
presented by Gussenhoven, using the gamut of phonetic terms to outline a series
of governing rules. Specifically, he focuses on the varied forms of the letter
“t” in the English language to describe the properties of phonemes and their
allophones. The selection from Gussenhoven’s work essentially serves as a
dictionary of phonetic terms for Kenstowicz’s denser writing.
The most interesting point I garnered from
Kenstowicz’s piece is that most native English speakers do not realize they are
following a set of defined phonetic rules. Somehow, with repetition and time,
we become familiar with rather odd patterns in the English spoken language. For
example, comparing the pronunciations of “writer” and “rider” as well as
“seated” and “seeded” reveal that these pairs of words sound nearly identical
(due to the flapped allophone of “t” in these cases). Yet, due to slight
variation in the vowel length, native speakers can identify the intended word
and distinguish between these nearly homophonous terms.
Though I understand why the pronunciations of
“writer” and “seated” contain more of a [D] sound than a regular [t] in
everyday conversation, I am curious to see whether these rules of pronunciation
always apply. That is, if a person spoke slowly and deliberately, emphasizing
each syllable, couldn’t the word “writer” result in two explicitly divided
parts – with the latter half starting with the written [t] instead of the usual
[D] sound? Interestingly enough, Google Translate’s audio button pronounces
“writer” with a clearer [t] sound, while Siri says the word with the flapped
[D]. Siri also struggles to determine the correct word, unless given clear
context and additional information; for example, it is easier for Siri to
understand one is saying “writer” when “book” is mentioned in the same
statement (another example – “horse” and “rider”). For Siri at least, these
words seem to be pretty much homophonous. Though Kenstowicz stated that these
words in fact had distinct traits, I believe that without any other context,
even native English speakers would struggle to identify the correct choice
given these pairs of words.
I still have some lingering thoughts about the
reading that hopefully someone can explain in more detail. Specifically, after
reading Kenstowicz’s statements about the multiple levels of phonological
representation, I understand that there are some aspects of language that
cannot be clarified simply through explicit phonetic rules. However, I had some
trouble parsing through the dense examples and would appreciate any concise
explanations of the “second level.” Is his main point just that it is impossible to apply black-and-white rules to linguistics?
I found your examples very helpful in understanding the argument of Kenstowicz's essay. It is interesting how native English speakers have no problems understanding each other and differentiating homophones in specific circumstances. As I tried to figure out the slight variations we use in these words, I noticed I would emphasize the vowels more but would say the "t" and "d' the same. As I said these words to different people, they could distinguish which word I was saying due to my emphasis and pitch change I had with the vowels. I think you succeeded in explaining the complex article in simple terms that any reader could understand.
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