This weeks readings focus on
morphology, semantic meaning and differences at the word-level, and how the
structure of our languages change the way in which we communicate.
Haspelmath’s section on lexemes and
word-forms focuses on the basis of morphology—words. “Words” isn’t the proper
term to use here, since “words” are either lexemes or word-forms. I found the
concept of morphemes as the basis of meaningful language fascinating. It
reminded me of studying vocabulary as a child and learning about suffixes,
prefixes, and word stems and learning how to infer meaning about a word through
these morphological parts. Plurals in Somali are often formed by duplifixes,
which I found very interesting. To show plurality of a noun, the last syllable
is said twice, which to me sounds like a very obvious way of showing
multiplicity. If we said “Bottle-tle” for expressing two bottles, it’s a very
visceral expression for having multiple bottles, because it feels like you
really are emphasizing having multiple.
Haspelmath’s section on morphology
focuses on compound words and their hierarchical structure. There are
endocentric compounds that have head-dependent structure and exocentric
compounds, which less frequently have hierarchical structure and lack a
semantic “head” inside of the compound. As a German language student, I found
this reading particularly interesting because of the frequency of compound
nouns in German. The morphological structure of these compound words can be
broken down and the gender will always follow the head, which I found to be
helpful advice for deciding the gender of a compound noun in German.
Slobin’s paper characterizes and
categorizes languages by the type of verb-orientation that sentences use. There
are verb-framed languages (V-languages) where the main verb communicates the
path of motion and satellite-framed languages (S-languages) where the path of
movement is communicated by elements associated with the verbs. What I found
most interesting about this typology was how the structure of verbs changes the
narrative effects of the language. To me, although biased as an English speaker,
which is an S-language, I feel like S-languages lend themselves more to
narrative flow and specificity, due to the many phrasing options for each
action because of rich lexicons of manner verbs.
The Atkins and Levin paper covers
near-synonyms found in our large, relatively new electronic corpuses. Words
that can seem like synonyms are common in many ways, but there are differences
in their use that make them uniquely different from other similar-meaning
words. It’s interesting to focus on the many meanings of a verb and how in some
contexts the word can be switched out for a synonym, and in other contexts it
cannot be. An example of this would be “The elevator shuddered” and “Sally
shuddered at the thought of it.” In the first example, shuddered could be
replaced by “shook,” but “shook” in the latter example would not covey the same
meaning. I imagine learning these differences as a non-native speaker is
extremely difficult.
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ReplyDeleteAlthough almost fluent in English now, I sometimes feel my sentences are not as concise as those of native English speakers. For example, something that a native English speaker might say in five words, I would say in eight. It was interesting to see that you got to a similar conclusion as I did reading Slobin's paper. I, like you, thought that S-languages lend themselves more to specificity because of their rich lexicons of manner verbs. In V-languages speakers usually express path in the verb and either leave out the manner of motion completely or express it in a complement of manner. This made me think that this difference between Arabic (a V-language) and English might be a reason why my sentences are typically long - especially when I translate from Arabic to English in my head.
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